"Read this book and learn how best to protect our democracy.
Author: Ron Fein
Publisher: Melville House
"Read this book and learn how best to protect our democracy." --Tom Steyer, founder of Need To Impeach The reasons Donald Trump must be impeached — as per the Founding Fathers — and what you can do to help make that happen Three veteran constitutional attorneys say there’s no way around it: The Constitution demands that Donald Trump must be impeached. And in clear language using compelling logic rooted firmly in the Constitution, they detail why the time to start is now—not in the indefinite future after criminal investigations have ended. In fact, much of Trump’s impeachable conduct lies outside the scope of ongoing federal criminal investigations. Citing charges such as accepting illegal payments from foreign governments, using government agencies to persecute political enemies, obstructing justice, abusing the pardon power, and the undermining freedom of the press, they provide the factual and legal basis for eight articles of impeachment. In short, they argue, abuses threatening our constitutional democracy should be dealt with by the remedy that the Constitution provides for a lawless, authoritarian president: impeachment. And an informed citizenry should be part of the process. After all, they say, impeachment is not a constitutional crisis — impeachment is the cure for a constitutional crisis.
This book stems from the perception that there may be conflicts between the demands of democracy and the demands of distributive justice, both of which are crucially important, and from the resulting recognition that the question of the ...
Author: Cécile Fabre
Publisher: OUP Oxford
The desirability, or lack thereof, of bills of rights has been the focus of some of the most enduring political debates over the last two centuries. Unlike civil and political rights, social rights to the meeting of needs, standardly rights to adequate minimum income, education, housing, and health care are not usually given constitutional protection. This book argues that social rights should be constitutionalized and protected by the courts, and examines when such constitutionalization conflicts with democracy. It is thus located at the crossroads of two major issues of contemporary political philosophy, to wit, the issue of democracy and the issue of distributie justice. Interestingly and surprisingly enough, philosophers who engage in penetrating discussions on distributive justice do not usually reflect on the implications of their argument for democracy; they are met with equal indifference on the part of theorists of democracy. This book stems from the perception that there may be conflicts between the demands of democracy and the demands of distributive justice, both of which are crucially important, and from the resulting recognition that the question of the relationship between these two values cannot be ignored.
Bartl argues that these defenders have been, in large part, correct but that they have missed half the story.
Author: Anthony Danilo Bartl
Publisher: LFB Scholarly Publishing
Justice Anthony Kennedy is the nation¿s most influential jurist, but his constitutional opinions often elicit the criticism that he is led more by personal whimsy than by constitutional principle. A few recent defenders have described Kennedy¿s jurisprudence as uniquely devoted to the principle of liberty¿and even to libertarianism. Bartl argues that these defenders have been, in large part, correct but that they have missed half the story. While Kennedy indeed champions liberty where the Constitution demands it, he is no less the champion of equality where the Constitution focuses on that coequal and coordinate principle.
This book sketches the discourse about a new constitution in Libya since 2011.
Author: Nadine Schnelzer
This book sketches the discourse about a new constitution in Libya since 2011. Applying a discourse analytical approach, the author identifies societal cleavages that have come to the fore in Libya’s transitional period. The debate has focused on democracy, federalism, decentralisation and localisation, the role of religion, women in politics as well as ethnic minorities. The strategies followed to ensure representation in the constitutional process have included civil disobedience, affirmative action and force. The effects of raising demands in these ways have been changes in the constitutional process and institutional design of Libya’s interim political institutions rather than promises that particular demands as to the content of the constitution would be met. The general prevention of a public discourse and competition along societal cleavages under Gaddafi’s totalitarian ideology has resulted in an all-out resurgence of splits along ethnic, regional and other lines.The work was awarded the Christoph Schumann Memorial Prize of the University of Erlangen.
The core argument of this book is that the 2008 Constitution is crucial to the establishment and maintenance of the military-state.
Author: Melissa Crouch
Publisher: Bloomsbury Publishing
This timely and accessible book is the first to provide a thorough analysis of the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar (Burma) in its historical, political and social context. The book identifies and articulates the principles of the Constitution through an in-depth analysis of legal and political processes and practises, particularly since the 1990s. The core argument of this book is that the 2008 Constitution is crucial to the establishment and maintenance of the military-state. The military-state promotes the leadership role of the military in governance based on a set of ideological commitments and a centralised form of organisation based on the concept of the Union. The book develops this argument by demonstrating how the process of constitution-making and the substance of the 2008 Constitution contribute to its lack of credibility and fuel demands for reform. The vision offered by the 2008 Constitution and its associated institutions has been the subject of fierce contestation, not least, for example, due to concerns over the militarisation of the state. This book is animated by debates over fundamental ideas such as the nature of democracy, the possibility of peace and federalism, the relationship between the executive and the legislature, relations between the Union government and sub-national governments, debates over judicial independence and the oversized role of the Tatmadaw (armed forces). Central to the future of the Constitution and the military-state is the role of the Tatmadaw, which will be a key determinant in any potential shift from the present highly centralised, partly-democratic Union to a federal or decentralised democratic system of governance.
About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work.
Author: Daniel Webster
Excerpt from Mr. Webster's Speeches at Buffalo, Syracuse, and Albany, May, 1851 The President of the United States, with several of the members of his Cabinet, were present at the recent celebration of the completion of the New York and Erie Railroad. On their whole route through the State of New York, they were received with great enthusiasm, and were frequently called upon to address assemblies of the people. The Hon. Daniel Webster, the Secretary of State, was one of the party. The greatest anxiety was evinced, at every point of visitation, to see hear this distinguished statesman. Citizens, without distinction of party, united to do him honor - to invite him to their meetings - and to solicit him to address them. The Speeches delivered by Mr. Webster, in the course of the route, under such solicitation; were numerous, and abounding in characteristic eloquence and patriotism. It has been thought that some of them should be preserved, in a permanent form, and printed and distributed for general perusal. The Addresses at Buffalo, Syracuse and Albany have been selected for that purpose - and are now presented in this pamphlet. The views and feelings here put forth, by the great American Orator and Statesman, are so liberal and so comprehensive - so full of true love of the Country, and the whole Country - so strong in regard for, and devotion to, our glorious Constitution and Union of the States - that it would seem that no man, with an American heart about him, can read them, without participating in the sentiments, and feeling that he is a better citizen for the perusal. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1911 edition.
Author: Hawkling Lugine Yen
This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1911 edition. Excerpt: ... date of fulfilling the promise. Early in the year 1908, massmeetings were held in Kiangsu and Chekiang and representatives were sent to Pekin to urge upon the Government a speedy convocation of a national assembly. In consequence of that earnest popular demand, on August 27 the Government issued an edict laying out a program of the nine-year preparation before the granting of the constitution. III. PRELIMINARY STEPS TOWARD THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT A. Early Reforms. The requests and demands for the cancellation of preliminary railway agreements led to demands for a constitutional government. But before proceeding to a study of the constitutional movement, it is desirable, perhaps, to make a review of the preceding reforms and attempts at reformation, so that we may be placed in a better position to see its gradual development. 1. Naval and industrial reforms under Tseng Kwofan, Li Hung-chang and Chang Chihtung. In 1865, through Tseng Kwofan, arsenals and shipyards were established at Fuchau, Nanking, and Shanghai. In 1876 a railway running between Shanghai and Wusung, covering a distance of twenty miles, was constructed. About the same time, through Li Hung-chang (1822-1901), telegraph service was inaugurated and the Chinese- Merchants' Steam Navigation Company was established. In 1887, in order to facilitate the transportation of the output of the Kaiping coal mines, the second railway in China was constructed. Chang Chihtung, after he was appointed the Viceroy of the Hu-Kwang Provinces in 1889, caused huge factories and workshops to be erected on the banks of the Yangste River opposite Hankau. The mechanical equipment consisted of "two large blast furnaces of the Cleveland type, with all their apparatus, ...
However, an unaccountable judge can always be found who is willing to legislate from the bench It is time for a constitutional amendment that mandates the faithful interpretation of the Constitution.
Author: H. M. Person
There is no aspect of our lives that is not regulated by a distant and unaccountable federal government in Washington. If we do not comply with the government's complex and often obscure demands, it may coerce us in any way it chooses, including depriving us of our property and our liberty. The coercive nature of government today is justified by the coercers as being for our own good. Today's government is intrusive in ways completely unimaginable to the Founders of our nation, and what is worse; these changes have occurred almost entirely without the consent of the governed, which should be alarming to every American regardless of their party or ideology. Since their goal is to remake America, progressives need an "evolving" Constitution in order to evade being limited by what the Constitution actually says. While some of the justifications for an evolving Constitution may sound superficially plausible, such as the need to adapt to changing modern circumstances, the "evolving" Constitution in practice has become nothing more than a collection of peremptory pronouncements by unelected judges that have nothing to do with the Constitution as written. Almost without exception, the most divisive battles in our ongoing modern culture wars have begun with judicial activism: the separation of church and state, school prayer, pornography, abortion, affirmative action, Darwinism, immigration, gay marriage. Why is this so? The answer is simple. No elected legislature would ever dare pass laws so unpopular. However, an unaccountable judge can always be found who is willing to legislate from the bench It is time for a constitutional amendment that mandates the faithful interpretation of the Constitution. It is time that we recognize that the Constitution says what it says with a "Plain Meaning Amendment" (or "PMA"). It is the only weapon capable of cutting through the Gordian knot of spurious "constitutional law" and judicial activism in one stroke. Even better, it is easy to see how this strategy can succeed in reining in the judiciary and bringing back respect for the law where judicial nomination battles have failed.
He offers readers a short, sharp book with a strong point of view that is certain to generate much debate. OXFORD'S NEW INALIENABLE RIGHTS SERIES This is inaugural volume in Oxford's new fourteen-book Inalienable Rights Series.
Author: Richard A. Posner
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Eavesdropping on the phone calls of U.S. citizens; demands by the FBI for records of library borrowings; establishment of military tribunals to try suspected terrorists, including U.S. citizens--many of the measures taken by the Bush administration since 9/11 have sparked heated protests. In Not a Suicide Pact, Judge Richard A. Posner offers a cogent and elegant response to these protests, arguing that personal liberty must be balanced with public safety in the face of grave national danger. Critical of civil libertarians who balk at any curtailment of their rights, even in the face of an unprecedented terrorist threat in an era of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, Posner takes a fresh look at the most important constitutional issues that have arisen since 9/11. These issues include the constitutional rights of terrorist suspects (whether American citizens or not) to habeas corpus and due process, and their rights against brutal interrogation (including torture) and searches based on less than probable cause. Posner argues that terrorist activity is sui generis--it is neither "war" nor "crime"--and it demands a tailored response, one that gives terror suspects fewer constitutional rights than persons suspected of ordinary criminal activity. Constitutional law must remain fluid, protean, and responsive to the pressure of contemporary events. Posner stresses the limits of law in regulating national security measures and underscores the paradoxical need to recognize a category of government conduct that is at once illegal and morally obligatory. One of America's top legal thinkers, Posner does not pull punches. He offers readers a short, sharp book with a strong point of view that is certain to generate much debate. OXFORD'S NEW INALIENABLE RIGHTS SERIES This is inaugural volume in Oxford's new fourteen-book Inalienable Rights Series. Each book will be a short, analytically sharp exploration of a particular right--to bear arms, to religious freedom, to free speech--clarifying the issues swirling around these rights and challenging us to rethink our most cherished freedoms.
ABOUT THE SERIES: The Very Short Introductions series from Oxford University Press contains hundreds of titles in almost every subject area. These pocket-sized books are the perfect way to get ahead in a new subject quickly.
Author: David J. Bodenhamer
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Though the U.S. Constitution was ratified in 1788, its impact on our lives is as recent as today's news. Claims and counterclaims about the constitutionality of governmental actions are a habit of American politics. This document, which its framers designed to limit power, often has made political conflict inevitable. It also has accommodated and legitimized the political and social changes of a vibrant, powerful democratic nation. A product of history's first modern revolution, the Constitution embraced a new formula for government: it restrained power on behalf of liberty, but it also granted power to promote and protect liberty. The U.S. Constitution: A Very Short Introduction explores the major themes that have shaped American constitutional history: federalism, the balance of powers, property, representation, equality, rights, and security. Informed by the latest scholarship, this book places constitutional history within the context of American political and social history. As our nation's circumstances have changed, so has our Constitution. Today we face serious challenges to the nation's constitutional legacy. Endless wars, a sharply divided electorate, economic inequality, and immigration, along with a host of other issues, have placed demands on government and on society that test our constitutional values. Understanding how the Constitution has evolved will help us adapt its principles to the challenges of our age. ABOUT THE SERIES: The Very Short Introductions series from Oxford University Press contains hundreds of titles in almost every subject area. These pocket-sized books are the perfect way to get ahead in a new subject quickly. Our expert authors combine facts, analysis, perspective, new ideas, and enthusiasm to make interesting and challenging topics highly readable.